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After the economic disaster of the Great Leap Forward that claimed tens of millions of lives from 1958–1962, an aging Mao Zedong launched an ambitious scheme to shore up his reputation and eliminate those he viewed as a threat to his legacy. The stated goal of the Cultural Revolution was to purge the country of bourgeois, capitalistic elements he claimed were threatening genuine communist ideology. Young students formed the Red Guards, vowing to defend the Chairman to the death, but soon rival factions started fighting each other in the streets with semiautomatic weapons in the name of revolutionary purity. As the country descended into chaos, the military intervened, turning China into a garrison state marked by bloody purges that crushed as many as one in fifty people.
The Cultural Revolution: A People's History, 1962–1976 draws for the first time on hundreds of previously classified party documents, from secret police reports to unexpurgated versions of leadership speeches. Frank Dik�tter uses this wealth of material to undermine the picture of complete conformity that is often supposed to have characterized the last years of the Mao era. After the army itself fell victim to the Cultural Revolution, ordinary people used the political chaos to resurrect the market and hollow out the party's ideology. In short, they buried Maoism. By showing how economic reform from below was an unintended consequence of a decade of violent purges and entrenched fear, The Cultural Revolution casts China's most tumultuous era in a wholly new light.
- Sales Rank: #27010 in Books
- Published on: 2016-05-03
- Released on: 2016-05-03
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.49" h x 1.38" w x 6.31" l, .0 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 432 pages
Review
"A fine, sharp study of this tumultuous, elusive era . . . [An] excellent follow-up to his groundbreaking previous work . . . Dik�tter tells a harrowing tale of unbelievable suffering. A potent combination of precise history and moving examples." ―Kirkus Reviews (starred review)
"If [The Cultural Revolution] were widely circulated in China, it could undermine the legitimacy of the current regime . . . This book is a significant event in our understanding of modern China." ―New York Times Book Review
"Richly documented . . . Dik�tter paints a chilling picture." ―Publishers Weekly
"For those who have swallowed the poisonous claim that the Communist Party deserves some credit for China’s current patchy prosperity, Mr. Dik�tter provides the antidote." ―The Wall Street Journal
"A fascinating account of how people twisted or resisted the aims of Mao’s movement ****" ―Daily Telegraph
"Definitive and harrowing." ―Book of the Week, Daily Mail
"The murderous frenzy of the times, which tore apart friends and families, not to speak of the Communist party itself, is powerfully conveyed." ―Book of the Week, The Times
"The final book of his magnificent historical trilogy . . . [Dik�tter] has mastered the details so well that with the most sparing use of description he weaves a vivid tapestry of China at the time . . . This brilliant book leaves no doubt that Mao almost ruined China and left a legacy of paranoia that still grips its modern dictatorship under the latest autocrat, Xi Jinping." ―Sunday Times
"Like Dik�tter’s two previous books . . . The Cultural Revolution exposes, in measured prose and well-documented analysis, the impact of communist rule in a period of extraordinary stress . . . Together, these three books, which Dik�tter calls the ‘People’s Trilogy’, constitute a major contribution to scholarship on modern China, one that is unequalled, certainly in the English language." ―Literary Review
"Gripping, horrific . . . A significant event in our understanding of modern China." ―International New York Times
About the Author
Frank Dik�tter is chair professor of humanities at the University of Hong Kong. Before moving to Asia in 2006, he was professor of the modern history of China at the University of London. He has published ten books about the history of China, including Mao's Great Famine, which won the BBC Samuel Johnson Prize for Non-Fiction in 2011, and The Tragedy of Liberation, which was short-listed for the George Orwell Prize. He lives in Hong Kong.
Most helpful customer reviews
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
Ridding Socialism/Communism of Capitalist Thinking Forever
By Loyd Eskildson
Mao's Great Leap Forward was a disastrous experiment which cost the lives of tens of millions of Chinese. Just redistributing farmland cost the lives of 1.5 to 2 million between 1947 and 1952. All private enterprises were seized by the state. The intent was to show Mao as more accomplished than Stalin. Mao was forced to confront the problems he'd created by his Defense Minister Peng Dehuai. Mao's reaction was to replace Dehuai with Liu Shaocqui, who later became president. Liu Shaocqui conducted his own fact-finding tour and similarly confronted Mao - in front of 7,000 delegates in January, 1962. Shaocqui reported that farmers believed the problems were 30% due to weather, 70% manmade. Mao had to back down. Worse yet, four of the party's top leaders were accused of plotting against the Chairman, trying to lead the country back down the road to capitalism. Some top Party leaders also used Kruschev's 1956 speech to criticize Mao and China's personality cult, and remove all references to Mao Zedong Thought from the Constitution. One was the mayor of Berlin. This disloyalty then provided the basis for Mao's next manmade tragedy - the Cultural Revolution, designed to root out reactionaries. Mao saw even the Soviets as backsliding - evidenced in Krushchev's 1956 anti-Stalin speech In a sentence, despite the socialist transformation of the means of production, a new revolution was required to stamp out the remnants of bourgeois culture. It was up to Mao to keep Marxism-Leninism alive. Trying to encourage those in opposition to show themselves, Mao encouraged freedom of expression through his 'let a hundred flowers bloom' initiative that encouraged public posting of critical thoughts (originally encouraged by the Hungarian revolt - ' created by failing to listen to popular grievances), and hinted he might want to step back for health reasons. But instead of begging him to remain, Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping created a new position of honorary chairman for Mao. Mao was furious.
By the winter of 1956-7, farmers started withdrawing from the collectives and beating up local cadre that stood in their way. February 1957 saw Mao enumerating examples of serious errors made by the party - attributing them to 'dogmatism' and 'bureaucracy.' He'd hoped for an outpouring of adulation in which activists would follow his cues and punish the party that had punished him. Instead, people wrote in favor of democracy, and some demanded that the party relinquish power. Major labor disturbances erupted. Mao put Deng in charge of denouncing those half-million participants, and many were sent to perform hard labor in remote areas. Food became the most common weapon - withheld from the sick/lame, and those who did not work hard enough; it was also withheld in general so that Beijing targets could be met.
Stalin's 'Short Course' on maintaining a revolution had been translated into 60+ languages, including Chinese. In it, he warned that bourgeois ideas would continue to remain in men's minds as long as traditional culture remained. Religion therefore was stamped out, private printing houses closed, intellectuals 'battered into submission or else discarded.' Mao, as early as 1942, had concluded that art couldn't exist simply for art's sake. After 1949, private newspapers were closed, thousands of books withdrawn from circulation, libraries burned. The beat of drums and chants of revolutionary songs displaced classical music. Most foreign films deemed reactionary and replaced by Russian ones. Religious facilities were closed down and converted into barracks or prisons. Congregations were forced to renounce their faith at public meetings, sacred objects melted down for their metal.
Glowing testimonials from factory and farm workers were published to newspapers all over China. Tens of thousands of meetings extolling Lei Feng (a heroic Mao devotee) as the ideal communist were held. Other heroes were promoted for emulation. Regular sessions of 'Recalling Bitterness' were organized, where elderly workers and peasants came to tell of the harsh and miserable days before liberation. Millions of copies of the 'quotations of Chairman Mao Zedong' were distributed - not just to members of the Army (original intent), to civilians as well. Still, many persisted in the old ways, and in May 1962 as many as 5,000/day fled to Hong Kong.
Mao accused the education system of favoring students from bad class backgrounds.
Mao called his next program intended to accomplish this the 'Cultural Revolution.' Mao now combined his grandiose ideas about leading Communism with a long memory for grievances. He had increasingly turned on colleagues and subordinates, many of them longstanding comrades-in-arms, subjecting them to public humiliation, imprisonment and torture. Thus, the Cultural Revolution also became a means of settling personal scores. Liu Shaoqi was still #2 in the Party, and there were other top military/Party leaders who had criticized the Great Leap Forward - eg. Deng Xiaoping (also the post-Krushchev Soviet Union). Beijing began to challenge Moscow openly for the leadership of the socialist camp, denouncing Khrushchev for pursuing 'appeasement with imperialists' (eg. meeting at Camp David). Krushchev retaliated by ordering thousands of Soviet advisers to leave China - scores of large-scale projects were cancelled and transfers of high-end military technology frozen.
Realizing that he couldn't rely on the party to purge its higher echelons, Mao turned to young, radical students - giving them license to denounce all authority. Many party officials, however, deflected violence away from themselves by encouraging the youngsters to instead raid the homes of class enemies, and some organized their own Red Guards to fight off the others. In response, Mao urged the population at large to join in, but they too became divided and started fighting each other. By January 1967, the army intervened, seeing to bring the situation under control by supporting the 'true proletarian left.' They too were divided, each certain they represented Mao's true voice, and China slid into civil war.
This first phase of the Cultural Revolution ended in the summer of 1968 as new 'revolutionary party committees' took the party and the state. They were heavily dominated by military officers. Over the next three years they turned China into a garrison state - with soldiers overseeing schools, factories and government units. Millions of undesirables, including students and others who had taken Mao at his word, were banished to the countryside to be 're-educated by the peasants.' Then came a series of brutal purges to eradicate those who had spoken out - first of renegades, traitors, and spies, then a campaign against corruption. Almost every act and utterance became potentially criminal.
May 1966 brought the beginning of the Cultural Revolution - mostly in Beijing, and appearing as a 'poster war.' Soon Madame Mao was involved, along with her Gang of Four. Mao maneuvered a reconstituting of Beijing power. Demonstrations and posters quickly spread throughout China, though many remembered the Hundred Flowers campaign and were unsure of what to make of it. Teachers (mostly in secondary schools) were attacked, and soon responded by attacking each other. Then beatings, forced marches around campus carrying heavy loads and wearing poster messages.
After considerable confusion regarding who had Mao's support and what the favored direction was, Red Guards began popping up all over. The first group praised by Mao belonged to an elite middle school administered by Tsinghua University - children of high-ranking cadres and military officers. In other middle schools, the core of students who threw themselves behind the Chairman and formed gangs of Red Guards had parents who were party officials - giving them privileged access to classified information. The purest family pedigree was being the child of veteran revolutionaries. In Beijing, no more than one in five students from middle schools qualified.
Red Guards began physically attacking teachers and administrators. The first death occurred in a girls' school administered by Beijing Normal University. Students there had filled the vice-principal's mouth with soil, spat in her face, put a dunce cap on her head, tied her hands behind her back, and beaten her black and blue. They then hit her (and four other administrators) with nail-spiked clubs. Similar acts spread across Beijing.
9 of 11 people found the following review helpful.
Great book
By Mike Perry
I found the book an easy read, gave me a great overview of cultural revolution. My interest lies in European history but the book was well written exceptional sources. It has peaked interest in modern China.
12 of 16 people found the following review helpful.
Deserves your time and attention
By 1more
Contrary to a few reviews i found this book invaluable in it's setting the stage for all Westerners who know virtually nothing of modern Chines times. Perhaps it's time to spend a little reading time with non fiction vs fiction to find out what the author has to say for yourself? There's some great fiction coming out of China these days. I have been reading both because these voices have something to say to all of us about the world we live in. Thank you
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